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African-American Archaeology

Newsletter of the African-American Archaeology Network

Applied Archaeology and History Associates,
615 Fairglen Lane, Annapolis, MD 21401 :: ISBN 1060-0671

Number 27, Late Winter 2000

John P. McCarthy, Editor


Contents


African-American Archaeological Sites & the National Register of Historic Places: Creating a Public Memory

Erika Martin Seibert, National Park Service/University of Maryland

Maintained by the National Park Service, the National Register of Historic Places was authorized by the National Historic Preservation Act of 1966 to recognize the, "districts, sites, buildings, structures, and objects significant in American history, architecture, archaeology, engineering and culture," at the local, state and national levels (NPS 1997). Archaeological sites are sorely under-represented in this federally recognized, national list. Currently, there are approximately 71,000 properties listed and only about seven percent of these represent archaeological sites (Little 1999:19). Moreover, African-American archaeological sites are also under-represented in this important list. Approximately 0.06 percent of National Register properties are African-American archaeological sites. While many archaeologists avoid preparing nominations because they think it is a time-consuming process and sites that are determined eligible are offered the same protection, it is still important to nominate sites, African-American archaeological sites in particular.

As Barbara Little notes, "Listing in the National Register serves to authenticate the worth of a historic place. It is this authentication that gives the National Register power in public perception" (Little 1999:19). Recently, the National Register has become more accessible as a public database due to its availability on the World Wide Web. This database makes the National Register a powerful tool in the creation of public memory.

Since the National Historic Preservation Act of 1966, the public has become increasingly important to the discipline of archaeology. Public support can help provide funding for archaeological programs, help to protect archaeological resources, and the public lobbies for legislation addressing these concerns. Little also notes that the beginning of the most recent edition to the National Register book states that the National Register has meaning that far transcends an honor roll of significant places. National Register documentation of historic properties becomes part of a national database and research resource available for planning, management, research, education, and interpretation. Listing furnishes authentication of the worth of a historic place and often influences a community's attitude toward its heritage (Little 1999:19).

African-American archaeological sites are important to the National Register because they become part of the public memory, they can be used in planning and management, and because often, archaeological sites are the only evidence which survives of historic properties. African-American archaeological resources may provide detailed information that neither the documentary record nor the architectural record of historic structures may reflect, such as details about housing size, construction techniques, and floor plans for structures that are no longer standing, material evidence indicative of folk beliefs and practices, data on mortality, nutrition, and quality of life, or information about industrial sites where free and enslaved Africans labored (Singleton 1994:34, 36, 38).

For instance, the Trapp and Chandler Pottery site in South Carolina is a pottery where African-slave labor was used. Stoneware ceramic sherds with an alkaline glaze recovered from the site may be indicative of an African-American art form and technology which spread through Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi and Texas. In addition to understanding how African Americans may have influenced pottery making and design, this site provides the opportunity to explore industrial African-slave labor (McGuire, Novick, Rodeffer, Terry 1986). This site was listed on the National Register in 1986.

The Kenner and Kugler Cemeteries Archeological District in Louisiana, listed in 1987, provides the opportunity to explore issues which may not be available elsewhere. These cemeteries, uncovered by the excavation of a drainage ditch in 1975, are the final resting places of more than 250 African-Americans from the antebellum through the Reconstruction eras. Human remains and artifactual evidence may yield information about the demography, morbidity, mortality, nutrition, patterns of personal property, mortuary customs, belief systems, and changing patterns of economic status for rural Southern African Americans during a broad time frame. As the nomination notes, this kind of information is particularly important for this population, because documentary records during the Reconstruction period in Louisiana are incomplete (Stout 1987).

Excavations at the site of the Manassas Industrial School in Virginia located the structural remains of several principal buildings which made up the school. Established in 1893 by Jennie Dean, an emancipated slave, the school operated as a private residential institution for African-American boys and girls until the late 1930s. Archeological remains address many important questions about the school and life in Manassas, Virginia. For instance, what was the quality of life of the students? What does the archeological record tell us about the struggle of African Americans during the Jim Crow era? What specific patterns can be identified that suggest the activities of boys and girls who attended the school (Sprinkle 1994a)? The location of the structures was used in the development of the Manassas Industrial School/Jennie Dean Memorial Park. The site was listed in the National Register in 1994.

In a search done on the National Register Information System (NRIS), only 42 sites with an African-American archeological component were listed (Table 1). When searching NRIS, information potential (Criterion D) and area of significance (in this case, African-American), were chosen as the parameters to query these sites. Most archeological sites are nominated under Criterion D, however, other Criteria, especially A (association with events that have made a significant contribution to the broad patterns of our history) are often possible (See Table 1). Criterion B (association with the lives of significant persons in our past) and Criterion C (properties that embody the distinctive characteristics of a type, period, or method of construction, or that represent the work of a master, or that possess high artistic value, or that represent a significant and distinguishable entity whose components may lack individual distinction), are used less often.

Important African-American archeological sites which do not appear on this list represent a gap which needs to be filled. Preservation planners look to the National Register to "know which archeological resources are important and, more importantly, why they are important" (Townsend 1994: 11). The National Register list of archeological properties is also used for research and provides visibility by stressing the importance of underground resources (Sprinkle 1994b: 12).

To nominate a site to the National Register, contact the State Historic Preservation Officer (SHPO) for the state where the property is located, or if the property is owned by a federal agency, contact the Federal Preservation Officer (FPO). If the property is located on a tribal reservation, contact the Tribal Preservation Officer (THPO). These preservation officers will provide guidance throughout the nomination process (NPS 1997). The National Register web site (www.cr.nps.gov/nr/) is also a valuable source of information. Most of the National Register Bulletins and other publications are available on the web site, as is NRIS, where you can search for National Register properties.

Nominating African-American archeological sites will add an integral part of our national history to the public record. African American archeology has been an important specialization within historical archeology for at least the past three decades, however, the sparse amount of archeological sites listed with an African American component implies that it is not. It seems clear that the properties on the National Register, ". . . [are] meant to be representative of American history" (Little 1999: 19). Therefore, nominating African American archeological sites will give a voice to these underrepresented properties and present a more accurate picture of our history and our discipline to the American public.

References Cited

Little, Barbara
1999    Nominating Archeological Sites to the National Register of Historic Places: What's the Point? SAA Bulletin (17) 4, 19.

McGuire, Novick, Rodeffer, Terry
1986    Trapp and Chandler Pottery Site. National Register Nomination. Prepared through I.A.A, Greenwood Archeological Survey, the University of South Carolina, and Lander College.

National Park Service [NPS]
1997    National Register Bulletin, How to Complete the National Register Registration Form. U.S. Department of the Interior, National Register of Historic Places.

Singleton, Theresa
1994    The African American Legacy Beneath Our Feet. In, African American Historic Places, edited by Beth L. Savage. The Preservation Press, Washington.

Sprinkle, Jr., John H.
1994    Manassas Industrial School for Colored Youth. National Register Nomination. Prepared through Louis Berger and Associates Inc.

1994    Research, Stewardship, Visibility, and Planning: Four Reasons to Nominate Archeological Sites to the National Register. CRM (17) 2, 12.

Stout, Michael E.
1987    Kenner and Kugler Cemeteries Archeological District. National Register Nomination. Prepared through the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, NO. District.

Townsend, Jan
1994    Archeology and the National Register. CRM (17) 2, 10-12.

Table 1

 STATE SITE NAME CRITERIA LISTED YEAR LISTED
AlabamaWestwood PlantationC, D (D was added)1984
ColoradoDearfieldA, D1995
ConnecticutLighthouse Archaeological Site D 1991
 DelawareBarnes Woods
Archeological
District
 D 1996
 District of ColumbiaWoodlawn Cemetery A, D 1996
 FloridaRoberts Farm Historic and Archeological District A, C, D 1995
 FloridaUSS Alligator A, B, C, D 1996
 FloridaKingsley Plantation A, B, C, D 1970
 FloridaFt. Mose (also a NH Landmark) A, D 1994
 FloridaNaval Live Oaks Reservation A, D 1998
 GeorgiaOssabaw Island A, C, D 1996
 GeorgiaHamilton Plantation Slave Cabins A, C, D 1988
 IowaBuxton Historic Townsite A, D 1983
 KentuckyBarren Fork Coal Camp and Mine Archeological District D 1997
 KentuckyPisgah Rural Historic District A, C, D 1988
 LouisanaKenner and Kugler Cemeteries Archeological District A, D 1987
 MarylandSnow Hill Site D 1984
 MassachusettsPrince Hall Mystic Cemetery A, D 1997
 MassachusettsCamp Atwater A, D 1982
 New JerseyGethsemane Cemetery A, D 1994
 New YorkAfrican Burying Ground (also a N H Landmark) A, D 1993
 New YorkThe African- American Cemetery A, D 1996
 New YorkSandy Ground Historic Archeological District A, C, D 1982
 New YorkStony Hill Cemetery A, D 1999
 North CarolinaHorton Grove Complex A, B, C, D 1978
 North CarolinaPotts Plantation A, B, C, D 1997
 North CarolinaHogan, Alexander, Plantation D 1996
 South CarolinaFish Haul Archaeological Site D 1988
 South CarolinaStoney-- Baynard Plantation D 1994
 South CarolinaTrapp and Chandler Pottery Site A, D 1986
 TennesseeAshwood Rural Historic District A, B, C, D 1988
 TennesseeBledsoe's Station A, B, D 1992
 TexasAnnie B., and
Henry G.
Green House
 A, D 1996
 TexasSessums--James House A, B, C, D 1998
 TexasArcheological Site No. 41 HZ 227 (Indian Hot Springs MPS) A, D 1990
 TexasArcheological Site No.41 HZ 228 (Indian Hot Springs MPS) A, D 1990
 Texas Archeological Site No. 41 HZ 439 (Indian Hot Springs MPS) D 1990
 TexasBullis' Camp Site A, D 1978
 TexasMcKinney Homestead D 1974
 VirginiaMiddlebrook Historic District A, C, D 1983
 VirginiaFort Pocahontas A, C, D 1999


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Crystals and Conjuring at the Charles Carroll House, Annapolis, Maryland

Lynn Jones, University of Maryland

Introduction

During excavation of the ground floor of the Charles Carroll House, a number of quartz crystals and associated artifacts were recovered. Having received a great deal of publicity, this discovery created a lot of excitement and interest among the general public and among scholars of African and African-American history. On the verbal authority of several of these scholars, the crystals were thought to have been used by slaves and to be related to African divination and conjuring practices (Dr. Frederick Lamp, Baltimore Museum of Art; Dr. Peter Mark, Wesleyan University; Dr. Robert Farris Thompson, Yale University, 1992, personal communication).

History and Significance

The excavation at the Carroll House was conducted by Archaeology in Annapolis, a research project operated by the Department of Anthropology, University of Maryland, College Park, and by Historic Annapolis Foundation. Between 1986 and 1990, the Project excavated the garden surrounding the Charles Carroll House. The eighteenth-century landscape and its relationship to the house, and evidence of the eighteenth-century frame house which had been attached to the extant brick house were discovered during these excavations (Kryder-Reid 1991; Kryder-Reid, Leone, Einstein and Shackel 1989; Leone and Shackel 1990). In 1991, the Project was retained by the Charles Carroll House of Annapolis, Inc., a restoration organization, to excavate the ground floor of the brick mansion prior to interior restoration of the structure.

The property had been purchased in the early eighteenth century by Charles Carroll the Settler, who at his death in 1720 owned over 47,000 acres of land in Maryland including one-quarter of the lots in the city of Annapolis. In 1721, Charles Carroll of Annapolis (the Settler's son) built the brick mansion, which still stands on the property. The most famous occupant was Charles Carroll of Carrollton, a signer of the Declaration of Independence, a Maryland State Senator, and a framer of the Maryland Constitution. He was born in the house in 1737 and lived there until 1821 when he moved to Baltimore to live with his daughter (Logan 1992; Van Devanter 1975).

The significance of the ground floor of the Carroll House as an archaeological site is that it was used as working space and possibly as living space for enslaved African and African Americans. The kitchen and a cold storage room were located on the ground floor. The room next to the kitchen and cold storage room, referred to as the east wing, showed evidence of having been used as a sewing room. Many buttons, straight pins, and two pairs of scissors were among the artifacts excavated from the east wing. Thus, the ground floor of the Carroll House was the first slave quarter ever excavated in Annapolis.

Documents reflect the presence of slaves at the Carroll property. An inventory taken by Carroll in 1782 indicates 10 adult slaves and eight children living in Annapolis. The 1783 tax list for Annapolis lists Carroll's household as consisting of two white males between the ages of 16 and 50 years of age, three white females, and two other white males (no ages given), and 19 slaves.

Although we know that slaves lived and worked at the Annapolis property, we cannot say with certainty where they may have slept or kept their belongings. There is no evidence for a separate slave quarters or slave cabins on the property, so some slaves may have lived in the spaces in which they worked, such as over the coach house or stable, or in or near the kitchen or the sewing room.

Of all the ground floor rooms of the mansion, the one in the east wing proved to be the richest area of the site. The east wing was originally constructed as a hyphen to connect the brick house with the frame house and was located next to the kitchen. Archaeologists discovered that the ground-floor room of this wing once had a wooden floor with space underneath it. Late eighteenth and early nineteenth-century artifacts were found densely distributed in the soil layers under the floor (Logan 1992).

Among the many artifacts recovered were several caches of quartz crystals and other objects. The largest group of crystals, 12 in all, were found grouped together in an area about 6 inches in diameter (Figure 1). Found with them was a tiny faceted glass bead and a smooth black stone. This group of items was covered with a pearlware bowl of English manufacture turned upside down over them. The bowl is hand-painted pearlware, blue on white design; the design looks like a large asterisk or sun-burst. This group of items was located in the extreme northeast corner of the room, between the brick floor-joist sup-port and the wall. Several more crystals were found in the same room of the house (Logan et al. 1992).

Two more crystals, both approximately 1/2 inch by 1 inch in size, a piece of an ivory ring, and a bubble shell, native to Florida or the West Indies, were found just to the south of the one in which the large cache of crystals was found. These two crystals and the bubble shell were also found between the brick floor-joist support and the east wall of the room. The largest crystal found was a smoky-grey chunk which measured 4 by 3 1/2 by 6 inches and weighed approximately four pounds. This was found near a doorway on the opposite side of the room from the others (Logan et al. 1992). Ceramics, coins, and other artifacts found in the same layers as the crystals help date these layers. Pearlware, white salt-glazed stoneware, and several coins found in the same layer as the cache of 12 crystals established a date range of 1790-1820 for that layer, which was toward the end of the time period when the house was occupied by Charles Carroll of Carrollton.

Figure 1 Carroll House crystals (omitted from online version)

We know that quartz crystals and associated artifacts such as the ones found at Carroll House have been found on other archaeological sites in Maryland, Virginia, and elsewhere. Such artifacts have been found on sites associated with African Americans (both slave and free), but not on sites associated exclusively with European Americans. For example, Laura Galke reported a cache of six quartz crystals, a piece of galena, and a quartz projectile point found near the footing of a chimney at the Nash Site in Manassas National Battlefield Park (Galke 1992a:137).

At the Brownsville Site, also in Manassas National Battlefield Park, another small cache of quartz crystals was found near the remains of the chimney footing of a now-demolished house. The house is believed to have been built in the late eighteenth century and to have been used as a slave quarter for the plantation during the nineteenth century (Galke 1992b).

Excavations at the Mulberry Row slave quarters of Thomas Jefferson's Monticello revealed crystals, a cowrie shell, a horn ring, pierced coins, and a game counter with a star-like design on it (Patten 1992).

Leland Ferguson has found colonoware bowls with designs on the interior bottom similar to the design on the bowl found at the Carroll House. The design on the colonoware bowls is across with a square or a circle around it and is similar to a Bakongo cosmogram. In these cosmograms, the horizontal line represents the boundary between the world of the living and the world of the dead, and the vertical line represents the path of power from below to above (Ferguson 1992; Thompson1983).

In all these cases mentioned above, crystals, specially marked pottery, coins, reworked glass or stone, beads, and other items of material culture have been found in contexts associated with the working and living spaces used by slaves; spaces that were also used later by free African Americans.

African Traditions in America

The main questions concerning these artifacts are how were these crystals used, by whom, and for what purpose? Were they used by slaves? Were they related to the retention of African spiritual rituals?

Sidney Mintz and Richard Price assume that diverse cultures existed in Africa during the Colonial and they address the retention of elements of African culture as being the retention of shared fundamental assumptions about belief systems and world view. Africans would have come from different areas of West Africa, different tribal groups, and would have spoken mutually unintelligible languages. People from different cultural groups in Africa may have shared basic assumptions about social relations, about what values motivate individuals, and about the way the world functions and about the relationship between living people and the dead, ancestors and kinship, the spirit world (Mintz and Price 1976:23).

Controlling the Spirits

When many Africans were transported to the New World and came into daily contact with people from other areas of Africa, modification of culture, language, and religion would have taken place. However, underlying the diverse cultures and specific beliefs was a world view which included belief in a High God or Supreme Being, in secondary gods, in the spirits of ancestors, and in the ability of humans to control spirit forces. Thus, African belief systems may have been adapted and reinterpreted, giving them material and ritual manifestations specific to the New World. (Mintz and Price 1976; Herskovits 1958)

The spirits of ancestors were considered to be powerful forces which could intervene in the daily affairs of living people. Ancestors were also guardians of the traditions and culture of a people, and could punish people for not maintaining the traditional customs (Raboteau 1978). Ways of communicating with ancestors and controlling spirit forces include divination, conjuring, witchcraft, sorcery, and curing. These practices have in common the human need to control and direct spirits, to predict and control fortune and misfortune, to protect from harm, and to gain knowledge about the future.

Raboteau explains that conjure is both a theory to explain the mystery of evil and also a practice for controlling or counteracting it. Conjurers could put a harmful spell on a person or could remove the spell. The equipment used by the conjurer included a cane, a charm, and a conjure bag. The charmed objects contained in the conjure bag might include graveyard dirt, glass, pins, bones, reptiles, hair, roots, and herbs. Sometimes stones are used in conjuring, such as in certain rain-making rituals. John Mbiti mentions the use of sacred objects and "'rain stones' some of which are rare and others [which] are believed to have fallen from the sky." Rain is regarded by some Africans as a sacred phenomenon, a mystical link between past, present and future. It is a manifestation of the eternal in the present "as it came, it comes, and it will come" (Raboteau 1969; Mbiti 1969:181).

Robert Farris Thompson explains the use of objects in Kongo healing arts in his book Flash of the Spirit. He examines the nkisi charm as it is used in curing and divination rituals. The nkisi is a group of objects believed to have a soul and a life of its own which contains medicines that are spirit-embodying and spirit-directing. The nkisi container can be a bag, a ceramic vessel, a wooden statue, or a cloth bundle (Thompson 1983).

The materials which embody spirit are cemetery earth, kaolin or white clay, or powdered camwood wrapped in leaves or cloth bundles. Sometimes mirrors or pieces of porcelain are attached to the outside of the nkisi. Spirit-directing elements include seeds, stones, sticks, bones, shells. These objects direct the power of the spirit toward whatever problem needs to be solved (Thompson 1983).

In Art and Healing of the Bakongo, Wyatt MacGaffey has translated KiKongo texts describing and explaining the uses of minkisi (plural for nkisi). In the early part of this century a number of African healers or diviners gave their minkisi to the Swedish missionary Karl Laman. Laman collected these objects and recorded much information about them as the healers explained in their own languages how these minkisi were made and used (MacGaffey 1991).

Each nkisi has a name, an individual composition, and is used for a particular purpose. Each one is slightly different than the others; each healer or diviner composes his own nkisi as a personalized force. Some are used for healing, some for divination, or to obtain wealth, or for success in warfare (MacGaffey 1991).

Nkisi Mbenza is "for blessing a man who has engendered a child by his own wife. This nkisi contains stones, quartz crystals, pieces of iron, and crab claws. When a man's first child is born, he is subject to certain taboos. Violators are afflicted with chest pains and coughing which the Nkisi Mbenza is used to cure (MacGaffey 1991).

Another nkisi containing quartz crystals is the Nkita Nsumbu which is also used for healing. It contains, among other things, quartz crystals, smooth stones, claws, pieces of iron, and brass or iron rings wrapped up in a cloth bundle. This nkisi has the spirit of land and the spirit of water; it is used to heal swelling of the body or boils (MacGaffey 1991).

By comparing these examples to the material found at the Carroll House, we can see definite similarities. Several of the nkisi from the Laman collection include many of the same materials as found at Carroll House, such as quartz crystals, crab claws, metal or ivory rings, smooth stones, bones and teeth. The large cache of object found at the Carroll House included crystals, a clear bead, a smooth black stone, and a bowl with a design resembling a Bakongo cosmogram. The bowl may have been used as a container for the crystals and other objects. Another group of artifacts from the Carroll House included crystals, an ivory ring, and a bubble shell. All of these items from the caches at the Carroll House are similar to the items included in the minkisi described by Bakongo healers (MacGaffey 1991).

The artifacts excavated at the Carroll House indicate that one, or possibly more, of Charles Carroll's slaves may have been a conjurer or diviner. Perhaps other slaves in town and from the surrounding nearby plantations consulted this person about their various problems. African and African-American slaves believed that it was possible to control supernatural powers. Drawing from slave narratives, Albert Raboteau describes a great deal of such activity in slave communities in the South. "Dey powder up de rattle offen de snake and tie it up in de little old rag bag and dey do devilment with it. Dey git dirt out de graveyard and dat dir, after dey speak on it, would make you go crazy." Slaves believed that the "conjure doctor had the power to "fix" and to remove "fixes," to harm and to cure, [that] it was possible to locate the source of misfortune and control it" (Raboteau 1969:276). The conjurers had power in the slave community because of this ability to control supernatural powers and they cultivated an aura of mystery that lent credibility to their reputations.

Conclusion

Many scholars have shown that slaves retained elements of their African cultures. These cultural traditions were expressed in social institutions and relationships, in religious life, and in material culture which slaves created and used within the constraints of slavery. One of the most persistent cultural retentions was the belief in the ability of humans to control spirits, influence fortune, and heal social or physical illnesses through the use of spiritually charged objects. Artifacts such as the crystals, the smooth black stone, ivory and brass rings, a glass bead, bones, and crab claws found in the east wing of the Carroll House may be the material expression of such beliefs in Annapolis. Some of Charles Carroll's slaves living and working at the Annapolis mansion may have composed minkisi to help them deal with the difficulties of life under the system of slave labor pervasive in this country in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries.

References Cited

Ferguson, Leland
1992    Uncommon Ground: Archaeology and Early African America, 1650-1800. Washington. Smithsonian Institution Press,

Galke, Laura
1992a    Cultural Resource Survey and Inventory of a War-Torn Landscape: The Stuart's Hill Tract, Manassas National Battlefield Park, Virginia. Occasional Report #7, National Capital Region Archaeology Program, National Park Service, Washington.

1992b    You Are Where You Live: A Comparison of Africanisms at Two Sites at Manassas National Battlefield Park. Paper presented for the February 1992 African American History Month Recognition: "African Roots Explore New Worlds: Pre-Columbus to the Space Age." National Capital Region Archeology Program, National Park Service, Washington.

Herskovits, Melville
1958    The Myth of the Negro Past. Beacon Press, Boston.

Kryder-Reid, Elizabeth
1991    Landscape as Myth: The Contextual Archaeology of an Annapolis Landscape. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Anthropology Department, Brown University, Providence.

Kryder-Reid, Elizabeth, Mark P. Leone, Julie Einstein, and Paul Shackel
1989    Power Gardens of Annapolis. Archaeology March/April pp.34-39, 74-75.

Leone, Mark P., and Paul A. Shackel
1990    Plane and Solid Geometry in Colonial Gardens in Annapolis, Maryland. In Earth Patterns: Essays in Landscape Archaeology, edited by William Kelso and Rachel Most. University of Virginia Press, Charlottesville.

Logan, George C.
1992    Archaeology at Charles Carroll's House and Garden and of his African-American Slaves. Brochure prepared for the Charles Carroll House of Annapolis, Inc.

Logan, George C., Marian C. Creveling, Thomas W. Bodor, and Lynn D. Jones
1992    1991 Archaeological Excavations at the Charles Carroll House in Annapolis, Maryland (18AP45).

MacGaffey, Wyatt
1991    Art and Healing of the Bakongo Commented By Themselves: Minkisi from the Laman Collection. Folkens Museum-Etnografiska, Stockholm.

Mbiti, John
1969    African Religions and Philosophy. Praeger Publishers, New York. Mintz, Sidney, and Richard Price 1976 An Anthropological Approach to Past. Institute for the Study Philadelphia.

Patten, M. Drake
1992    African-American Spiritual Beliefs: Testimony From the Slave Quarter. the Dublin Seminar, June 1992. the Afro-American of Human Issues, An Archaeological Paper presented at

Raboteau, Albert
1978    Slave Religion: The "Invisible Institution" in the Antebellum South. Oxford University Press, New York.

Thompson, Robert Farris
1984    Flash of the Spirit: African and Afro-American Art and Philosophy. Vintage Books, New York.

1990 Kongo Influences on African-American Artistic Culture. In Africanisms in American Culture. Edited by Joseph E. Holloway. Indiana University Press, Bloomington.

Van Devanter, Ann C.
1975    "Anywhere So Long as There Be Freedom": Charles Carroll of Carrollton, His Family & His Maryland. The Baltimore Museum of Art, Baltimore.



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The Sam Goode Cemetery, Mecklenburg County, Virginia

J. W. Joseph, New South Associates, Inc. Thomas A. J. Crist, Kise Straw & Kolodner, Inc. Reg Pitts, John Milner Associates, Inc. Alex Caton, New South Associates, Inc. William R. Henry, Jr., New South Associates, Inc.

New South Associates completed the documentation and relocation of the historic African-American Sam Goode Cemetery in Mecklenburg County, Virginia. The cemetery is located on a point of land at the confluence of Butchers Creek and the Roanoke River (John H. Kerr Dam and Reservoir) which is threatened by erosion and has been inundated during flooding. The U. S. Army Corps of Engineers contracted New South Associates, Inc. to remove burials from the cemetery while Dale Tankersly, Funeral Director for the Farrar Funeral Home of South Hill, Virginia, was responsible for the reinterment of these remains. The archaeological contract is administered by the Savannah District of the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers under the supervision of Julie Morgan. Kerr Reservoir itself is under the administration of the Wilmington District and its cultural resources are overseen by Richard Kimmel.

The Sam Goode Cemetery is named for the single legible marked grave in the cemetery, that of Sam Goode, who died in 1917. Located on the slopes of the point, a total of 99 graves had been identified during previous surveys by John Clauser from Of Grave Concerns and Richard Kimmel. The U S Army Corps of Engineers' acquisitions records for the property indicate that 120 graves were identifiable at the time the property was purchased by the federal government in the 1940s. The cemetery is informally arranged and indistinct; burials occur as segments of rows which follow the contours of the point on general north-south lines. Graves are marked with fieldstone head and foot stones and in a number of instances appear to be unmarked. Faint engravings can be discerned on some of these gravestones, but none are legible with the exception of that of Sam Goode. A total of 155 burials were identified and removed during the archaeological study.

Bill Henry is the project archaeologist in charge of the removal. The field research team included Alex Caton, Sean Norris, Laurie Griesmar, Greg Harmon, Nancy Esposito, and Matthew Kinne. Dr. Thomas A. J. Crist of Kise Straw & Kolodner serves as the Principal Investigator for the osteological component of the project, with Sean Norris performing the in situ evaluations of the remains and determining the basic demographic profile for each individual prior to relocation. Dr. Arthur Washburn conducted the dental anthropological analyses of the individuals.

There is little formal documentation for the cemetery. Archival research by historians Reg Pitts and Wade Catts of John Milner Associates reveals that the Goodes were African-American tenant farmers on the property in the late nineteenth century. The property at that time was known as Richland Farms and was owned by Colonel J. Thomas Goode, an European American. The 1880 census identified ten African-American families working as tenant farmers for Colonel Goode: Tazewell Goode, Shadrach or "Sherrick" Goode, Lewis Goode, Wilson Goode and Daniel Goode; two Lockett families: Tom and Charles Lockett; and the families of John Lewis, Noah Murphy and William Henry Jones. The tenant community at Richland Farms appears to have dissolved prior to World War I, a period in which many Mecldenburg African Americans sought better and more varied economic opportunities in northern cities.

While the African-American Goodes and their neighbors were evidently the users of the cemetery in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the number of burials and archaeological findings point to a longer period of use. The cemetery appears to have come into existence as an antebellum African-American cemetery associated with a series of plantations which once occupied the point. This succession dates back to Richland Plantation, established in 1765 by Colonel Robert Munford III.

In 1782, Mumford was assessed for 93 enslaved African Americans (Simmons 1987:12); this number may have fluctuated through the years. A good number of these enslaved African Americans would have been housed in separate quarters some distance from the manor house. It is of note that the Munford family established a private cemetery for the use of the family, and it is possible that they would have allowed the enslaved Africans living on the plantation to establish a burial ground. The Munford plantation main house was located several hundred meters northwest of the Sam Goode Cemetery on the same landform which terminates at the point. The Munford family cemetery is located to the north of the main house along the road leading to the house.

In 1801, Munford's son William sold Richland Farm to Thomas Wilson, a farmer and storekeeper of Mecklenburg County. Wilson sold Richland Farm to Francis Watkins, Sr. of Prince Edward County in 1811. In that same year Watkins sold 588 acres including the location of the Sam Goode Cemetery to his son-in-law Samuel Lockett. Lockett soon moved himself, his wife Salina Ann Watkins Lockett, their children, and a large number of enslaved African Americans to their Richland Tract. Samuel Lockett became a prosperous tobacco planter, militia colonel and local politician. By 1840, he had 56 enslaved laborers cultivating over 1,200 acres.

Lockett's son Henry acquired the property in 1851, and in 1852 sold the property to James Whittice. According to the 1850 Census, Whittice was the owner of 15 enslaved African Americans. He would die without heirs in 1865 and Colonel John Thomas Goode would acquire the property at auction in 1869.

The occurrence of the names of former planters and landowners among those of the African-American tenant farmers suggests the formation of a stable African-American community. Lockett, Wilson, and Goode all appear as first or last names within the late nineteenth-century tenant community at Richland Farm. This suggests that the African-American tenant farmers living at the site at the time were likely the direct descendants of enslaved African Americans who were brought to this tract during the antebellum period. It appears that the cemetery came into existence in the nineteenth-century plantation era. Some of the descendants of the plantation communities appear to have continued to reside at Richland Farm after the Civil War and presumably continued to use the cemetery. Several of the Goode's would help to establish the Greenwood Baptist Church after 1886. However, Pitts and Catts note that the earliest marked graves in the church cemetery date to the 1930s. The Sam Goode cemetery is thus believed to have served the local African-American community from the early nineteenth century through circa 1917.

Archaeological evidence reveals the formation of the cemetery and its organization. The most recent graves appear to be at the southern end of the cemetery, the end of the point, directly overlooking the Roanoke River/the Kerr Reservoir. While the preservation of skeletal remains in this area is poor, coffin hardware recovered from several interments indicate that these burials were made in the late nineteenth to early twentieth century. Moving farther away from the river, burials become older as well as less clearly identified. In this area, a number of burials dating to the antebellum era have been identified, based on diagnostic materials found with the remains. These artifacts include a military button dating to ca. 1812, other buttons manufactured in the i85os, and a seated Liberty dime dated 1854. The latter had a hole punched in its top for wear as an adornment.

Other diagnostic artifacts include beads. One burial contained 93 blue seed beads, likely of Venetian manufacture, and of apparent early to mid-l9th century manufacture. These beads were found in the neck region of an infant burial. A second infant burial yielded three hexagonal blue beads from the neck region. These beads were manufactured in Czechoslovakia in the mid nineteenth century and are drawn glass beads with twelve ground hexagonal corners. None of the burials removed contained material clearly dating to the Colonial period. It is possible that the Sam Goode Cemetery is one of two African American cemeteries on the property, one created once the limits of an earlier Colonial cemetery were reached.

The bead identifications were made by Alex Caton. Caton's (1997) MA thesis, Beads and Bodies: Embodying Change in Bead Practices in Banda, Ghana, notes that beads had a medicinal function, particularly in regards to preventing illnesses among children. She observes that:

Most women who owned medicinal beads note a difference between ones that prevent illness and madness, and ones that cure sickness. A woman known as a medicine woman showed me different treated beads that have different tasks . . . . An imported blue, faceted bead (most likely an old trade bead) is used to prevent illnesses associated with the chest. A string with black tubular beads is worn by a newborn, so that the mother will be able to have other children without illness. Another woman suggested that certain beads were worn to prevent convulsions and to keep evil spirits away (Caton 1997:32).

Caton's ethnographic research suggests that the beads identified at the Sam Goode Cemetery may have had similar medicinal associations.

Physical anthropology of the individuals unearthed at the Sam Goode Cemetery indicates that preservation varies considerably. Those located closest to the shore of the lake comprise only eroded long bone fragments and poorly preserved teeth, and in some cases individuals were represented only by dark stains in the soil. Interments located higher on the hill and thus farther from the water are better preserved, although they appear to be older than the burials found closer to the lake. The best preserved individuals include full dentitions and intact crania suitable for osteometrics, although none of the burials include observable pubic symphyses, the portion of the skeleton that provides the most accurate information regarding an individual's sex and age range at death. In general, erosion of the periosteal and articular surfaces of even the best preserved remains is extensive; consequently, opportunities to study the frequency and distribution of degenerative joint disease and other forms of pathology among this population sample are limited.

Forty of the individuals excavated at the Sam Goode Cemetery were sufficiently preserved to allow the project's physical anthropologists to conduct fairly complete cranial or dental analyses. Nine of these individuals were children under i6 years of age. Dental analyses indicate that the older adults buried at the site suffered from generally poor dental health, with extensive antemortem loss of both molars and premolars and advanced attrition (wear of the occlusal surfaces) of the remaining teeth. Even though many of the adults presented carious teeth, no dental restorations were present. The teeth of some individuals were so severely affected by caries that their pulp chambers were completely exposed. One adult presented an abscess of the maxillary left central incisor that was so severe that the resulting infection created a quarter-inch diameter circular perforation through the person's hard palate just below the right nasal passage. Every permanent tooth from another individual, a child aged 6-8 years at death, exhibits a linear surface enamel defect indicating an episode of severe metabolic stress from which he recovered several years prior to his death. None of the other eight children presented enamel defects.

Little evidence of disease or trauma was observed among the individuals relocated from the Sam Goode Cemetery. This was due in large part to the poor preservation of most of the burials. Some of the more interesting anomalies and lesions identified among these individuals included a congenitally unfused first cervical vertebra (atlas) from an 18-22 year old woman; a healed fracture of the right elbow in a woman over 40 years old, most likely the result of a fall upon an outstretched hand; and active, moderately severe periostitis of the tibiae and fibulae from a 25-30 year old woman. Examination of the relatively well-preserved remains of 69-year-old Sam Goode indicated that Mr. Goode was generally free of spinal degenerative joint disease, had very mild arthritis in both hips, and during life had lost all of his mandibular teeth except for his left third molar, which was extensively worn. Such antemortem tooth loss was typical of even the young adults buried at this graveyard, suggesting that this community suffered from a generally poor diet combined with chronic nutritional stress.

The Sam Goode Cemetery study will contribute to the understanding of the history of the cemetery as well as the African-American experience in the old South. Work is being performed as a relocation, and all analyses and documentation of both artifacts and skeletal remains were conducted in the field so that reburial could take place soon after removal. A project report will be prepared which presents the history of the cemetery as well as its ethnohistory and physical anthropology. When completed, the Sam Goode Cemetery project should shed greater light on the history and community of the cemetery and begin to bring identity back to its forgotten inhabitants.


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On-Going Research Report: Potter-Specific Variability in Nineteenth-Century South Carolina Colonoware

Chris Espenshade of Skelly and Loy, Inc., reports that he is continuing his research on late colonoware of the South Carolina coastal zone. He is currently examining potter-level variability in the colonoware from three contemporaneous slave settlements in Beaufort County. The three sites, the Colleton River slave street, the Bonny Shore slave row, and the Pinckney Landing slave row, provided a unique research opportunity (Espenshade 1998; Pietak et al. 1998; Eubanks et al. 1994; Kennedy et al. 1994). The sites are found within three miles of each other, and two were part of the same plantation system. All date from the nineteenth century and yielded large amounts of slave-made colonoware pottery.

Chris is examining intra- and intersite variability in vessel form, construction details, approaches to vessel finishing, fir-ing, and decoration. So far, the work of three to five potters is inferred, and there is no evidence for the exchange of vessels between slave communities. The research will ultimately pro-vide insight into the Calabash estate (or hidden economy) and the nature of the colonoware tradition. Chris plans to present his preliminary results at the SHA 2001 meetings.

References Cited

Espenshade, C. T.
1998    The Changing use Contexts of Slave-Made Pottery on the South Carolina Coast. In African Impact on the Material Culture of the Americas: Conference Proceedings. Winston-Salem State University, Old Salem, and The Museum of Early Southern Decorative Arts, Winston-Salem.

Eubanks, E. I., C. T. Espenshade, M. Roberts, and L. Kennedy
1994    Data Recovery Investigations of 38BU791, Bonny Shore Slave Row, Spring Island, Beaufort County, South Carolina. Brockington and Associates, Inc., Atlanta.

Kennedy, L., M. D. Roberts, and C. T. Espenshade
1994    Archaeological Data Recovery at Colleton River Plantation (38BU647), Beaufort County, South Carolina: A Study of an Early Nineteenth-Century Slave Settlement. Brockington and Associates, Inc., Atlanta.

Pietak, L. M., C. T. Espenshade, J. Holland, and L. Kennedy
1998    Slave Lifeways on Spring Island: Data Recovery at 38BU15, Beaufort County, South Carolina. TRC Garrow Associates, Inc., Atlanta.


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SHA 2001 Call For Papers: The Archaeology of the Individual in African-American Archaeology

Chris Espenshade and John McCarthy have started to organise a symposium proposed for the January 10-13, 2001, Society for Historical Archaeology meeting in Long Beach, California. The session will focus on archaeological reflections of individuals in the African-American past, in contrast to the communities or aggregate groups to which analysis is so often limited. Papers addressing individual agency and/or social resistance are particularly welcome. The organisers will be seeking publication of the papers in an edited volume. Please contact John as soon as possible if interested in participating in both the symposium and the publication project. Symposium paperwork is due to the conference planners May 31, 2000. John can be reached at (301) 220-1876 [office], (410) 224-3402 [home], or at johnpmccarthy@archaeologist.com.


Book Reviews and Notes

The Book Review Editors are:

Fred McGhee
1240 Barton Hills Dr. #207
Austin, TX 78704
(512) 912-0906 (home)
(512) 475-7904 (work)
email: fredmcghee@mail.utexas.edu

Mark Warner
Department of Sociology, Anthropology, and Justice Studies
University of Idaho
P.O. Box 441110
Moscow, Idaho 83844-1110
(208) 885-5954 (work)
mail: mwarner@uidaho.edu

Africans in America: America's Journey through Slavery Charles Johnson, Patricia Smith, and the WGBH Series Research Team, Harcourt Brace and Company, New York, San Diego, & London, 1998. xv + 494 pp., notes, illustrations, figures, index, $30.00 (cloth).

Eric Anderson, History Department, University of Idaho

A text companion for the four-part documentary series, Africans in America: America's Journey through Slavery, offers readers a history of slavery in the United States from Jamestown through the Civil War. The authors tell the story of our nation's approval of slavery as a "tragic" one. A story of "ambition and greed overcoming justice and humanity" (p. xiii). Africans in America ably presents to a non-academic audience complex themes regarding the black experience in the colonial and antebellum U. S. Resistance and outright rebellion to slavery and racism are ubiquitous throughout the narrative, as is African Americans' search for an identity and place in the U. S. social hierarchy of the period. Other topics the book discusses include the development of the Atlantic slave trade, why the American Revolution failed to abolish slavery, slavery's importance in the South's and North's economic development, the growth of the antebellum free Black community, and the interstate slave traffic.

Africans in America's greatest strength is its focus on reformers and revolutionaries heretofore little know by most Americans. While heroes such as John Brown, Frederick Douglass, and William Lloyd Garrison are discussed, it is refreshing to see the book make mention of less-known figures, including: Gabriel, Jarena Lee, Nat Turner, Denmark Vessy, David Walker, and Phillis Wheatley. African's in America explains how each of these characters shaped the political debates surrounding slavery and its abolition. Only by recognizing the important role of African Americans in the abolitionist movement can we truly understand politics and society in the colonial and antebellum eras.

This book, much like the video series, is written for a popular audience. While Charles Johnson and Patricia Smith claim authorship, thirteen experts including David Blight, Jon Eslse, Barbara Fields, Sylvia Frey, Henry Louis Gates, Jr., Gerald Gill, Vincent Harding, Winthrop Jordan, Leon Litwack, Gary Nash, Edward Reynolds, Margaret Washington, and Peter Wood advised the creators. To give a human voice to slavery, Johnson includes fictional short stories in each chapter that illustrate the crux of the section's message. One vignette includes a fictional description of Martha Washington's fear following her husband's death that her slaves might murder her. Another recounts a fabricated incident during the Haitian Revolution (the largest slave revolt in the history of the Americas) where a U. S. diplomat writes to President Thomas Jefferson of his fear that he might be "murdered in [his] bed" if he continued to stay on the island (p. 261). The authors' use of fictional literature as a tool to depict the factual institution of slavery is nothing new. Historians have used historical fiction like Barry Unsworth's, Sacred Hunger (New York: W.W. Norton and Company, 1992), Guy Endore's, Babouk (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1991, first published in 1934) and Harriet Becher Stowe's, Uncle Tom's Cabin (New York: W.W. Norton and Company, 1992, first published in 1852) to give voice to the largely mute captive population of the Americas. Because Johnson's stories are able to communicate the pain, fear, anger, and suffering experienced by an enslaved population, they are useful to understand the impact of slavery on both the enslaved and enslaver.

The scholarly implications for Africans in America are very limited. The book contains no bibliography, limited citations, and most importantly no new insights into the slave system. Nothing regarding African-American archaeology is mentioned. As with the televised series, moreover, Africans in America portrays Africa and the U. 5. 's slave society as relatively homogenous cultures furthering the false Eurocentric representations of Africa, its people, and their legacy in the New World. Notwithstanding the brief mention of the U.S. Mexican War and the California gold rush, Africans in America presents no serious treatment of African Americans in the western U. S., Canada, the Caribbean, or Mexico.

Nevertheless, the book does have some applications. It would be practical as a supplementary text in an advanced undergraduate course on slavery or African-American archaeology. Lecturers may also find its narrative style, photographs and illustrations, and fictional short stories effective teaching devices. Further, while the book does not directly mirror the content of the televised series, it is a legitimate companion to the PBS series of the same name.

An Archaeology of Social Space: Analyzing Coffee Plantations in Jamaica's Blue Mountains, James A. Delle, 1998. Plenum, New York. xxi + 243 pp., tables, figures, bibliography, index. $39.95 (cloth).

Paul R. Mullins, Anthropology Department, IUPUI

Any archaeologist studying New World plantations appreciates that space is a material artifact in some sense, and few archaeologists have been able to ignore the class based oppression shaped by plantation spaces. Nevertheless, few African-American or plantation archaeologists have taken the somewhat enigmatic notion of space as their material focus, and even fewer have probed how plantation spaces can be related to everyday experience as well as capitalism's broader systemic relations. James Delle's An Archaeology of Social Space: Analyzing Coffee Plantations in Jamaica's Blue Mountains ambitiously tackles all these subjects and examines them in heretofore poorly studied Caribbean coffee plantations. Delle champions a historical archaeology that conceives its focus as the archaeology of capitalism, which is certainly among the most ambitious yet ambiguously defined subjects archaeology could tackle. Delle focuses his perspective on capitalism by documenting how periodic crises in worldwide capitalism reverberated throughout British colonial sectors like Jamaica and found material form in the reorganization and restructuring of myriad Jamaican plantation spaces. Delle complexly weaves political economic theory, scholarship on space, cartographic analysis, and primary documents into an interesting study of how one modest corner of the world negotiated the complex interactions between a world political economy and various groups with quite different interests.

Delle's research data comes from Jamaica's eastern highlands, which was a significant coffee producer in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century. Delle proposes to interpret the peoples in the region by understanding their relationships to broader socioeconomic currents and competing interests within the British colonial system and the island itself. This would seem a straightforward premise that would be well received in African-American archaeology, but Delle advocates a political economic theory that has not been warmly embraced by historical archaeologists. Readers hoping to find a record of excavated material goods from a handful of Jamaican quarters will find that Delle instead lays the foundation for such site specific studies and focuses his analysis on simply understanding what actually defines the complex entity of coffee plantation production. Rather than dwell on discrete assemblages of everyday material discards or quarters with an ambiguous relationship to broader socioeconomic structure, this book has a much broader and more ambitious scope; i.e., Delle attempts to understand the fundamental conditions like racist ideology, world economics, and geography that held together this profoundly unequal society and made it possible at all. It seems unreasonable to launch into the archaeology of something as novel as Jamaican coffee production and simply transfer our understandings of sugar or tobacco production elsewhere in the New World, so Delle aspires to provide a theoretical and historical structure within which we might begin to understand life in Jamaica. Yet at another level, the study is a general overview of late eighteenth and early nineteenth-century capitalism, even though his data is overwhelmingly focused on the Yallahs River drainage in Jamaica's eastern highlands and has its clearest relevance in plantation archaeology.

For Delle, the fundamental feature of Jamaican plantation society is class conflict, especially the elite's efforts to maintain their social privileges and economic sway in the face of worldwide socioeconomic upheavals. Inevitably this means that a significant focus of the study must be on the small but influential class of men who turned to coffee production during the sugar's industry collapse in the late eighteenth century. Nevertheless, Delle's study also contains a rich collection of primary documents that underscore that planters' ideological vision of plantation space was utterly contested. Consequently, Delle renders Jamaican plantation space as a union of elite's ideological vision of how space should function, the social meaning these spaces assumed in everyday life across class and racial barriers, and the objective material culture of plantations.

Delle attacks these complex issues by providing a detailed exposition of his vision of capitalism, and probably the most novel dimension of this intellectual framework is his highlighting of the idea of "crisis." The book builds on a generally accepted Marxian recognition that class relations and space are directly related; to archaeologically understand why a space takes certain forms at particular moments we need to understand that capitalism periodically experiences crises in the circulation of capital, moments of change that are reflected in the material reorganization of space. One such crisis, Delle argues, came in the late eighteenth century, when Jamaica's once flourishing sugar industry began to experience rapidly decreasing profits. Smaller planters turned to coffee production when sugar prices began to fall because of, among other factors, competition from other sugar producing colonies, disruption of commodity trade during a series of late eighteenth-century wars, and shifts in trade and labor organization. During this period, a series of coffee plantations were established in the Yallahs River drainage, and coffee continued to be produced in the region even after the 1830s abolition of enslaved labor, which led to the rapid disappearance of such estates by mid-century.

Delle frames his analysis of specific plantations by spending a chapter examining what he calls "cognitive space"; i.e., the space that the elite planters idealized and hoped to forge discipline among enslaved laborers. He then turns to an analysis of concrete plantations spaces based on cartography and plantation ruin surveys. This comparison of the imagined space of Jamaican plantations and the actual spaces of enslaved, overseers, planters, and labor spaces on the plantations will likely offer some of the most interesting methodological insights for archaeologists who routinely wrestle with the discrepancies between dominant plans and more complex lived realities. Delle examines how discipline was experienced in these spaces by various members of plantation society, considering some of the mechanisms of domination and surveillance (e.g., material culture such as stocks, or rules governing movement on and between plantations) as well as resistance (e.g., feigned illness). The book does not contain a detailed study of any single plantation's excavated assemblage; instead, it lays the groundwork on which archaeologists might subsequently conduct intensive excavations and refine the myriad ways in which factions of plantation society contested inequalities in material spaces. Delle closes the study by examining the post-Emancipation transformation of coffee production, when most plantations disappeared or were subdivided into much smaller plots worked by peasant wage laborers.

Delle's study is complex, theoretically sophisticated, and provocative, and it provides a point of comparison and contrast for plantation archaeology in other regions. Yet it is just this sort of ambitious, sweeping, and clearly positioned framework that will provide a foundation for further case specific studies.


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Internet Resources

DOCUMENTING THE AMERICAN SOUTH: THE CHURCH IN THE SOUTHERN BLACK COMMUNITY http://metalab.unc.edu/docsouth/church/index.html

The Church in the Southern Black Community online collection is part of the ongoing digitization of materials in the "Documenting the American South" series at the University of North Carolina. This site traces how Southern African Americans experienced and transformed Protestant Christianity into the central institution of community life. The site offers transcribed oral histories and autobiographies of former slaves, a diary of a New England woman living in the South in 1865, official church documents, and more. New documents are added on a regular basis.

CHRONOLOGY ON THE HISTORY OF SLAVERY http://innercity.org/holt/slavechron.html

This chronology is part of the Help Save the Holt House Website, a community activist organization dedicated to the recovery and preservation of possible slave remains and archaeological evidence at the historic Holt House in Washington, DC near the National Zoo. Offering detailed information about key events in the history of slavery spanning from 1619 to the Emancipation Proclamation, the timeline supplies more substantive information than most.

ESRC: RESEARCH GUIDE TO THE SOCIAL SCIENCES http://www.jisc.ac.uk/subject/socsci/

The Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC) and the Joint Information Systems Committee (JISC) of the United Kingdom have funded this newly posted Research Guide to the Social Sciences. This directory provides annotated links to sites sorted by subject matter, including bibliographic, reference and research information; publications online; subject gateways; data services; datasets; data visualization; software services and support for data processing; moving and still images and sound. Annotations include a description of the site, the URL, and the terms of access. The Guide, while not exhaustive, focuses on those main Web sources students or researchers in social sciences will find most useful.

GATEWAY TO AFRICAN-AMERICAN HISTORY http://www.usia.gov/usa/blackhis/

This gateway created by the State Department's International Information Programs features well annotated links to Internet sites devoted to African-American literature and historical studies or involved with African-American issues.

FROM SLAVERY TO FREEDOM: THE AFRICAN-AMERICAN PAMPHLET COLLECTION, 1824-1909
http://memory.loc.gov/ammem/aapchtml/aapchome.html

This collection of pamphlets written by African-American authors in the i8th and early twentieth centuries offers complete page images of 397 titles as well as searchable electronic texts and bibliographic records.


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Editorial Staff

Editor/Publisher:John P. McCarthy, Greenhorne & O'Mara, Inc., 9001 Edmonston Road, Greenbelt, MD 20770 (301) 220-1876

Assistant Editor: Paul Mullins, Anthropology Program, George Mason University, MSN-3G5, Fairfax, VA 22030

Progression: Carol McDavid, 1406 Sul Ross, Houston, TX 77007 dutch@neosoft.com

Northeast: James Garmon, Public Archaeology Laboratory, Inc., 210 Lonsdale Avenue, Pawtucket, RI 02860 (401) 728-8780

Mid-Atlantic: Barbara Heath, The Corporation for Jefferson's Poplar Forest, P. 0. Box 419, Forest, VA 24551

Southeast: J. W. Joseph, New South Associates, Inc., 6150 East Ponce de Leon Ave., Stone Mountain, GA 30083 (770) 498-4155

Caribbean: Paul Farnsworth, Dept. of Geography and Anthropology, Louisiana State University, Baton Rouge, LA 70803

Midwest: Matthew Emerson, Anthropology Department, Southem Illinois University, Edwardsville, IL 62026 (618) 692-5689

Mid-South: Leslie "Skip" Stewart-Abernathy, Arkansas Archaeological Survey, P.O. Box 8706 AKU, Russellville, AK 72801 (501) 968-0381

West: Laurie Wilkie, Anthropology Department, University of Califomia, Berkeley, CA 94720

Web Edition: Thomas Wheaton, New South Associates, Inc., 6150 East Ponce de Leon Ave., Stone Mountain, GA 30083 (770) 498-4155


Subscription Information:

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Electronic version compiled by Thomas R. Wheaton, New South Associates, Inc.




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2005 African Diaspora Archaeology Network
Please send comments or questions to: cfennell@uiuc.edu
Last updated: April 16, 2005
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