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African-American Archaeology

Newsletter of the African-American Archaeology Network

Applied Archaeology and History Associates,
615 Fairglen Lane, Annapolis, MD 21401

Number 24, Spring 1999

John P. McCarthy,Editor


The Levi Jordan Plantation Internet Project

Carol McDavidUniversity of Cambridge, Department of Archaeology & Levi Jordan Plantation Historical Society (

The Levi Jordan Plantation web site focuses on an archaeological and historical site in Brazoria, Texas. As many readers of this newsletter are aware, research at the site has been underway for some 14 years under the direction of Ken Brown at the University of Houston. The plantation was built in 1848 by Levi Jordan, his family, and the people who were enslaved by them (and, later, who worked for them as tenant farmers and sharecroppers).

This web site is the result of a collaboration between historical archaeologists, African American descendants and European American descendants (and other community members) to create an ongoing conversation to discuss the diverse archaeologies and histories of this plantation. A major focus of the site is to discuss how people seem to have used African beliefs and ways of using material culture to deal with the oppression of slavery and its aftermath, tenancy. However, there is also a great deal of information about the lives of Jordan and his family, as well as information about how descendants of the plantation's residents are working together now to tell the histories of their ancestors. While Ken Brown and his students provided most of the archaeological and historical content for the web site, many other people have contributed content as well: anthropologists, other archaeologists, historians and descendant community members.

In addition to providing a forum to discuss the archaeologies and histories of the Jordan Plantation, the web site is also designed to help archaeologists and community members learn more about how people communicate about archaeology and history on the Internet. We hope that readers of this newsletter will participate in this research in various ways ­ by answering the online questionnaires, by posting to discussion groups and using feedback forms, as well as by direct communication with us.

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Evidence for the Accumulation of Both Money and Material Goods

Nancy Sorrells and Susanne Simmons Museum of American Frontier Culture, Staunton, VA

The search for evidence of the involvement of enslaved African Americans in the local economy of Piedmont Virginia led Monticello archaeologist Barbara Heath on a journey into the business papers and ledgers of local white tradesmen, businessmen, and farmers. Our research, sponsored by the Museum of American Frontier Culture in Staunton, Virginia, has led us to the same types of sources in the Shenandoah Valley, a region just west of Heath's study. Although these sources have been examined by historians for years, this particular search looked for answers to different questions.

A careful analysis of these business papers with an eye toward clues about African-American history proved that the information has been there all along, buried among the other entries and descriptions. As one sifts through these clues of African-American history in the Shenandoah Valley, it becomes clear that there were many methods used by hardworking and innovative enslaved African Americans to define their own personality with the material culture around them. The transcribed will of Dangerfield Hunter, a slave of the Pauly family in Augusta County, is one example. In his will, Hunter directed that after his death his debts at a local store be settled and that the debts owed him be collected. He also dispersed personal items such as pots, pans, a table, a chair and chickens. His will indicates that slaves not only had their own possessions, but sometimes had enough money to loan and to act as collateral for credit extended by local businessmen.1 Other sources soon led us to realize that, rather than being an anomaly, Hunter represented a norm. Many slaves accumulated money and material possessions. Although rarely enough to purchase their freedom, accumulated cash allowed the purchase of material goods that enriched their lives and defined their individuality.

Beyond the physical and spiritual necessities, the rigidity of slavery was flexible enough to allow small gains to be made by hard-working slaves and cooperative masters. Money was often accumulated through overwork, which is defined as labor completed after normal chores were finished or on off days. (For a thorough case study of overwork and slave financial and store accounts at an ironworks in Rockbridge County, see Charles Dew's excellent book, Bond of Iron). Sale of garden produce or craft items made during off-hours was another way to acquire a few extra dollars. Local accounts describe Sunday streets as being filled with slaves selling garden produce, while other sources tell of slaves hustling luggage off coaches, boats, and trains in order to earn some tip money.

Henry Boswell Jones, a farmer in Rockbridge County, worked small rewards into the slave system, noting, "It is a good custom to give the hands presents occasionally--say at Christmas and harvest time--or to allow them to cultivate an acre or two of corn, which the master can buy, or give permission to sell elsewhere." The rewards were part of a much larger system designed to maintain orderliness and discipline among the work force he described in the Valley. He included further detail of this system, adding that, "Servants well treated rarely ever run off; but there are bad servants, as well as bad children, and when they need correction it ought always to be promptly attended to."2 Other slave owners in the region subscribed to Jones's recommendations. Joseph Smith, a wealthy farmer in Augusta County, paid "Negro presents" of money to eighteen of his slaves either as Christmas or harvest time gifts. Twelve of his eighteen slaves received one dollar, two received fifty cents, and four, twenty-five cents. Even three of the slaves who were hired out received money.3

Francis McFarland, a Presbyterian minister and farmer in Augusta County, used cash incentives. He paid the slave Charles twelve-and-a-half cents for a basket he made; he tipped a servant working on the stagecoach with a quarter, another fifty cents; he paid his hired slave Rhoda twenty-five cents for an extra day's work; he bought a coat for Jordan in exchange for his chopping wood at Christmas; and he gave Bias $2.25 for mending shoes.4

Slaves not only had their own possessions, probably accumulated through this overwork, reward, and incentive systems, but sometimes had money enough to loan and could be granted credit extended by white businessmen.5 That Dangerfield Hunter directed his debts at a local store be settled and that debts owed him be collected after his death indicates these facts. Owners may have seen these incentives as a means of maintaining morale, but the slaves used the bonuses to buy personal goods and to make some financial decisions of their own. Slaves appear, infrequently but with some regularity as customers among the ledgers of area businessmen. In each case, the slave clearly controlled his or her own money and labor and used both to accumulate possessions.

During the 1860s, the slave Henry Johnson performed various tasks for William B. Alexander, a cabinetmaker and wagoner in eastern Augusta County. Using a combination of that labor and cash, Johnson acquired a bedstead for five dollars, and a drop-leaf table for four dollars, hired a buggy for fifty cents, bought a picture frame for thirty-eight cents, and paid twelve cents to have glass cut.6

Hard work and initiative only rarely freed enslaved African Americans of the Shenandoah Valley from the pale of slavery. However, historical documents indicate that the money these African Americans managed to acquire for themselves allowed them to make their lives a little more bearable through the acquisition of material goods.


1.    Pauly Papers, Virginia Historical Society, Richmond, Virginia, Dangerfield Hunter's Will, June 18, 1856, facsimile.
2.    Henry Boswell Jones, Report.
3.    Folly Farm Papers.
4.    McFarland diaries.
5.    Pauly Family Papers, Dangerfield Hunter's will.
6.    William B. Alexander Papers, 1850-1888. Account book, VSLA Business Records 29658 a, b, Virginia State Library and Archives, Richmond.

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Progression! - Advances in African American Archaeology

Note from column editor

Carol McDavid

When I asked Terry Epperson to write the inaugural contribution for the new "Progression" column, I did so for a couple of reasons. First, I wanted to position this forum as a source of thought provoking and, occasionally, even controversial ideas about ways that historical archaeologists might approach African Diaspora archaeology more productively. Since I was familiar with Terry's ideas about the potential usefulness of Critical Race Theory for our discipline, I was confident that his contribution would provide the critical perspective that I sought.

Second, I hoped that you, our readers, might be moved respond to Terry's ideas ­ with the understanding that these responses may be included in future issues. This forum is designed to be open, informal, provocative and, if possible, dialogic. I think that Terry raises some important points about racism and "race obliviousness" ­ points that all of us who work in this field (or, arguably, any field and any discipline) would do well to consider. You may agree, or not ­ either way, we'd like to hear from you.

I hope you will also let me know of any suggestions you might have for contributors to this column; at this point we plan to do this column biannually, so the next 'deadline' for contributions will be November, 1999. Please email me at ( with any ideas you have.

Beyond Biological Reductionism, Ethnicity, and Vulgar Anti-Essentialism: Critical Perspectives on Race and the Practice of African-American Archaeology

Terrence W. Epperson (

I am accepting Carol McDavid's invitation to write the inaugural "Progression" column for African-American Archaeology with a fair measure of trepidation for two reasons. First, although I believe I can recognize and appreciate a genuinely community-based African-American archaeology program when I see one (Epperson 1999), I am not currently involved in any such projects. This theory/praxis disjuncture raises the specter that any insights I might offer will be interpreted as either sanctimonious sermonizing or ad hominem attacks. That is certainly not my intention. The second source of trepidation is the current nature of A-A A . As I peruse the list of editorial staff and recent contributors, I am troubled by the extent to which this publication has become a conversation between Euro Americans about African-American Archaeology. I have no monumental new discoveries to report, and I am quite reluctant to contribute to this conversation unless I can help challenge and redefine the existing bounds of discourse.

Drawing upon the insights of the emerging field of Critical Race Theory (Crenshaw, et al. 1995), I would like to discuss an absolutely fundamental dilemma in the theory and practice of African Diaspora archaeology. On one hand, the bio-genetic conception of race is a demonstrable fiction, a social construction wrought under conditions of domination and resistance. On the other hand, race was, and continues to be, quite real in its social effects, both as a means of domination and as a locus of identity and resistance. Race obliviousness and naive assertions of color blindness, coupled with the continuing failure to challenge the apparent "naturalness" of whiteness, merely serve to perpetuate racism and demean the legitimate cultural and political concerns of minority descendant communities. This is the same dilemma addressed by Anthony Appiah and Amy Gutman (1996) in their recent book Color Conscious: The Political Morality of Race. I submit that we need an archaeology that explicitly foregrounds the issue of race (Orser 1998, 1999; Perry 1997, 1998), challenges racism (McGhee 1998a, 1998b), acknowledges and respects the concerns of descendant minority communities (Blakey 1998a, 1998b), and addresses Maria Franklin's (1997) question "Why are there so few Black American archaeologists?".

I am in total agreement with Charles Orser's (1999:662) statement that "The failure of American historical archaeologists to address race and racism in any substantive way has served to maintain the field's tacit political conservatism" At least three related strategies have been consciously or unconsciously employed by practitioners of African-American archaeology to finesse the issue of race. The first strategy can be characterized as "biological reductionism," the tendency to view race as a static bio-genetic category, an a priori thing that explains human variation or patterning in the archaeological record (Armelagos and Goodman 1998). For example, I have previously examined how an essentialist, bio-genetic conception of "race" was deployed by the Metropolitan Forensic Anthropology Team (MFAT) during the earliest stages of analysis at the African Burial Ground excavations in New York City (Epperson 1996). Since race was seen as a merely bio-genetic category-separated from history, culture, and political struggle-the descendant community had no standing to challenge the research. In fact, MFAT asserted that they were best qualified to perform the osteological research because they had the best "scientific" methodology for "racing" the recovered skeletons (Dibennardo and Taylor 1983; GSA 1993:n.p.). Fortunately, under intense community pressure, this paradigm was supplanted by a more historically and culturally sensitive approach directed by Michael Blakey of Howard University (LaRoche and Blakey 1997).

The second, and related, avoidance strategy is to depoliticize race by reducing it to "ethnicity" in a manner that equates centuries of imposed racial identity with a category such as "Italian-American identity." As Orser (1999:662) notes, "This facile understanding of race has made it possible for historical archaeologists to downplay or sidestep racism as a means of creating and upholding the social inequalities that characterize American society." According to Manning Marable (1995:186), the reduction of "race" to "ethnicity" is facilitated by the simultaneous centrality and invisibility of "whiteness" within the dominant national identity.

The third, and most insidious avoidance strategy can be characterized as vulgar anti-essentialism or race obliviousness. The most trenchant critiques of this strategy are provided by the emerging field of Critical Race Theory (Crenshaw 1995:xxvi; see also Fuss 1989 and McRobbie 1997). As an outgrowth of the Critical Legal Studies movement, CRT acknowledges, analyzes, and challenges the fundamental role of the law in the construction of racial difference and the perpetuation of racial oppression in American society. As a movement comprised primarily, but not exclusively, of scholars and activists of color, Critical Race Theorists, known as "race-crits" to distinguish them from the "crits" and the "fem-crits," also believe that personal experiences of racial prejudice inform and strengthen theoretical analyses. They are therefore particularly interested in fostering and supporting the distinctive work and voices of minority scholars and insist-quite reasonably-that the victims of racial oppression should play a fundamental role in the analysis of that oppression. Some prominent race-crits include Derrick Bell (1987, 1996), Kimberlé Crenshaw (1995), Lani Guinier (1994) Ian Haney López (1994, 1996), Cheryl Harris (1995), Gary Peller (1985, 1995), Marta Rose (1996), and Patricia Williams (1991, 1995). (see also Delgado and Stefanic 1993; and MacFarquhar 1996.)

The introduction of the 1995 anthology Critical Race Theory: The Key Writings That Formed the Movement explains the initial disjuncture between the Critical Legal Studies movement and the race-crits:

To be sure, these crits positioned themselves in a discourse far removed from liberalism-a certain postmodern critique of identity. Yet the upshot of their position seemed to be the same: an abiding skepticism, if not outright disdain, toward any theoretical or political project organized around the concept of race. Where classical liberalism argued that race was irrelevant to public policy, these crits argued that race simply didn't exist. The position is one that [critical race theorists] have come to call "vulgar anti-essentialism." By this we seek to capture the claims made by some critical theorists that since racial categories are not "real" or "natural" but instead socially constructed, it is theoretically and politically absurd to center race as a category of analysis or as a basis for political action. (Crenshaw, et al. 1995:xxvi).

While most race-crits emphatically reject the concept of biologically distinct races and embrace the premise that race is, indeed, socially constructed, they nonetheless argue that race is "real" "in the sense that there is a dimension and weight to the experience of being 'raced' in American society, a materiality sustained by law" (Crenshaw, et al. 1995:xxvi; see also Mukhopadhyay and Moses 1997; Harrison 1999).

The analysis of vulgar anti-essentialism is complemented by Marta Rose's (1996) analysis of "race obliviousness" in the recent U.S. Supreme Court decision that invalidated the minority-majority Eleventh Congressional District in Georgia [Miller v. Johnson, 115 Supreme Court 2475 (1995)]. Drawing upon the work of Harlon Dalton (1995), Rose views race obliviousness as a natural consequence of white privilege and notes that the "erasure of race, the invisibility of whiteness, makes a great deal of sense to those whose race privileges them in the social, political, and economic realms." (1996:1596). For most Euro-Americans, whiteness is taken as the unquestioned norm; therefore, race is either invisible or is thought to be synonymous with ethnicity. In the Miller decision, the Court majority appropriated the rhetoric of the Civil Rights movement to advance a construction of race that is antithetical to the experiences and interests of most Black Americans. While recognizing that "respect for communities defined by actual shared interests" can be a legitimate concern in Congressional redistricting, the Court asserted that "race" can never serve as "an actual shared interest" for African Americans. In the Court's construction, race is entirely discrete from "political, social, and economic interests;" therefore, the idea that Blacks might organize politically around race is "an offensive and demeaning assumption" which "embod[ies] stereotypes that treat individuals as the product of their race" (Rose 1996:1566). While African Americans have certainly been in the forefront of struggles to create a political system where race is not an impediment, the Court appropriates the moral force of the Civil Rights Movement to advance the proposition that "if race should not matter in our ideal world, then it cannot matter now." (Rose 1996:1567).

Within historical archaeology, a recent example that is relevant to the discussion of vulgar anti-essentialism and race obliviousness is provided by M. Drake Patten's paper on the politics surrounding excavation of the Foster Homesite in Charlottesville, Virginia. I am somewhat sympathetic with her position; I agree historical archaeologists need to do a better job "in our public education about race and gender as cultural constructions." On more than one occasion I have also tried to explain (somewhat unconvincingly) that "Race may not be real, but racism is." (1997:138). However, I part company with Patten when she deploys a social constructionist analysis to defuse criticism regarding the initial excavation and analysis of the site by an all-white crew. Catherine Foster, who purchased the property in 1833 and died in 1863, was enumerated as a "mulatto" on census forms. Following the Civil War the neighborhood that developed on and around the Foster property was known as "Canada," probably in reference to the haven for escaped slaves. In describing the controversy arising from excavation of the site, Patten challenges the present-day definition of Foster as an "African American" and decries the manner in which Catherine Foster was "utterly appropriated by the local community, however they might be characterized." Patten also regrets the use of the tee-shirt slogan "Ask me about African American archaeology in Charlottesville" (1977:135). However, as Theresa Singleton (1997:149) has noted, someone identified on 19th-century census forms as "mulatto" would probably self-identify today as "African American" or "multi-racial." Contrary to Patten's implication, the fact that Foster's living descendants are identified as "white" negates neither the concerns of the African descent community nor importance of this site for African American archaeology.

One of the fundamental tenets of Critical Race Theory is the insistence that we, collectively, must allow ourselves "to know what we know" (Matsuda 1989). A common example is the issue of hate speech. We know that a white person's use of that most vicious of racist epithets is not the equivalent of a black person yelling "stupid cracker." This knowledge of social reality should be admitted and reflected in legal analysis. Therefore, a seemingly neutral law or campus code that punishes the use of all racial epithets equally, regardless of context, will, in fact, be inherently biased because it refuses to acknowledge the structural inequalities arising from racism. Therefore, it is particularly problematic when Patten asserts an equivalency between the racial identities ascribed to her and to Catherine Foster:

When the [Washington] Post condemned our project, the focus was not on the questions it raised, nor even on Catherine, but n me, on my racial identity as white. There is a certain irony to this: both Catherine Foster and I had become subject to the same external application of a category, even as our lives were temporally separated. (1997:137).

Although it was a temporary inconvenience in the context of the project, Patten's identity as a "white" person is one that confers status, privilege and power. The same cannot be said for the categories "Mulatto" or "African American."

In a chapter entitled "Beyond Racial Identity Politics: Toward a Liberation Theory for Multiracial Democracy," Manning Marable (1995:187) states that "'Race' is first and foremost an unequal relationship between social aggregates, characterized by dominant and subordinate forms of social interaction, and reinforced by intricate patterns of public discourse, power, ownership and privilege within the economic, social and political institutions of society." However, in addition to being an imposed identity, "race" can also serve as "the basis of a historical consciousness-a group's recognition of what it has witnessed and what it can anticipate in the near future." The ongoing struggle over the African Burial Ground project in New York City epitomizes these dual senses of "race."

As noted above, the African American community in New York City was able to mobilize against the original Burial Ground research paradigm, forcing a halt to the excavations in 1992 and the transferal of the primary research responsibility to Howard University. Because of the community intervention, the original racialist, a-historical, model of human variation was supplanted by a model that emphasizes genetic affinities between the burial ground population and populations of origin within Africa. While addressing the descendant community's interest in establishing ancestral origins, this maneuver has also resulted in indisputably better science. In a small-scale, University-funded pilot project, the Howard University team has been able to use DNA research to link 32 individuals in the burial ground population with cultural groups currently living in Ghana, Nigeria, Niger, Senegal, and Benin (Blakey 1998b).

Although the excavations were halted nearly seven years ago, struggle over the research, memorialization, and reinterment continue unabated. Amazingly, African-American Archaeology has taken little or no note of these struggles. The latest phase centers upon the efforts of the descendant community to force the U.S. General Services Administration (GSA) to honor the spirit and letter of the memorandum of agreement (MOA). On January 14, 1999 the World Archaeological Congress, meeting in Cape Town, South Africa, passed a resolution of concern calling upon GSA fund the full scope of research, noting that the federal government is "ethically bound to fulfill its previous agreements in keeping with the desires of the descendant community for the disposition of the site, cemetery, and study of human remains." On January 23 and April 17, 1999 the newly-formed "Friends of the African Burial Ground" convened public meetings at the Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture in New York City in an effort to force GSA's compliance with commitments set forth in the MOA (Harrington 1999).

One of the primary concerns is GSA's apparent unwillingness to fund the full range of genetic research set forth in the original research design and agreed to in the 1989 MOA (as amended in 1991). The connection between the scientific research and the site's cultural and spiritual significance is quite evident to the project's community supporters. For example, in the Winter, 1999 issue of Update: Newsletter of the African Burial Ground & Five Points Archaeological Projects, Barbara Muniz, Founder and President of the Black American Roots Society, writes: "I recall there were many of us who stressed the spiritual significance of this Project, only to be told how important the scientific part of this Project would be in determining genetic heredity. Now let's not change in the middle of the stream." Similarly, Brother Sayeed Samad, an African Burial Ground volunteer and community activist, writes: "One of the patterns that I've noticed over time, is that the more important an organization is to me and my 'family,' the more barriers there are to a stable budget, the more fragile the organization becomes and the more prone it is destruction." Finally, In a chapter entitled: "Reclaiming Culture: The Dialectics of Identity," Leith Mullings (1997:190) notes that "the dominant group's power to represent the history and culture of subaltern groups is an important tool in achieving and maintaining domination. Thus, the recent struggle around the African Burial Ground in New York City was based on the knowledge that those who control the interpretation of the past also have a major role in charting the future." As this article is being completed, the conflict between the GSA and the descendant community is far from resolved.

I would like to close with a plea that we be wary of the dangers of race obliviousness and naive assertions of colorblindness. Although it is valid and important, the analysis of race as a social construction should not be deployed to deny the "reality" of race, particularly for the victims of racism, nor should it be used to belittle the concerns of minority descendant communities. In conclusion, as we face the new millenium, the challenge posed by Critical Race Theorists can be stated quite simply: we must construct an African Diaspora archaeology that is simultaneously race-conscious and anti-essentialist. The way will not be easy, but the task is crucial.


A subscription to "Update: Newsletter of the African Burial Ground & Five Points Archaeological Projects" can be obtained at no cost by contacting:

Office of Public Education and Interpretation of the African Burial Ground
6 World Trade Center, Room 239
New York, NY 10048
Phone: (212) 432-5707
Fax:(212) 432-5920
e-mail: (

References Cited

Appiah, K. Anthony, and Amy Gutmann
1996    Color Conscious: The Political Morality of Race. Princeton University Press, Princeton.

Armelagos, George J., and Alan H. Goodman
1998    Race, Racism, and Anthropology, in Building a New Biocultural Synthesis: Political-Economic Perspectives in Human Biology, edited be Alan H. Goodman and Thomas L. Leatherman, pp. 359-377. University of Michigan Press, Ann Arbor.

Bell, Derrick
1993    And We Are Not Saved: The Elusive Quest for Racial Justice. Basic Books, New York.

1996 Gospel Choirs: Psalms of Survival in an Alien Land Called Home. Basic Books, New York.

Blakey, Michael L.
1998a    The New York African Burial Ground Project: An Examination of Enslaved Lives, A Construction of Ancestral Ties. Transforming Anthropology 7(1):53-58.

1998b    The African Burial Ground: Continued Research and Preservation or "Business as Usual?" Update: Newsletter of the African Burial Ground & Five Points Archaeological Projects 2(8):1, 11.

Crenshaw, Kimberlé
1995    Mapping the Margins: Intersectionality, Identity Politics, and Violence Against Women of Color, In Critical Race Theory: The Key Writings That Formed the Movement, edited by K. Crenshaw, N. Gotanda, G. Peller, and K. Thomas, 357-383, The New Press, New York.

Crenshaw, Kimberlé, Neil Gotanda, Gary Peller, and Kendall Thomas
1995    Introduction, In Critical Race Theory: The Key Writings That Formed the Movement, edited by K. Crenshaw, N. Gotanda, G. Peller, and K. Thomas, xiii-xxxii, The New Press, New York.

Dalton, Harlon L.
1995    Racial Healing: Confronting the Fear Between Blacks and Whites. Doubleday, New York.

Delgado, Richard, and Jean Stefanic
1993    Critical Race Theory: An Annotated Bibliography. Virginia Law Review 79:461-516.

Dibennardo, Robert, and James V. Taylor
1983    Multiple Discriminant Function Analysis of Sex and Race in the Postcranial Skeleton. American Journal of Physical Anthropology 61:305-314.

Epperson, Terrence W.
1996    The Politics of "Race" and Cultural Identity at the African Burial Ground, New York City. World Archaeological Bulletin 7:108-117.

1999    The Contested Commons: Archaeologies of Race, Repression, and Resistance in New York City, In The Historical Archaeology of Capitalism, edited by Mark P, Leone and Parker Potter, pp. 81-110. Plenum Press, New York.

Franklin, Maria
1997    Why are there so Few Black American Archaeologists? Antiquity 71:799-801.

Fuss, Diana
1989    Essentially Speaking: Feminism, Nature and Difference. Routledge, New York.

GSA (General Services Administration, Region 2)
1993    Comments on the Draft Research Design for Archaeological, Historical, and Bioanthropological Investigations of the African Burial Ground and Five Points Area, New York, New York. General Services Administration, Region 2, New York.

Guinier, Lani
1994    The Tyranny of the Majority: Fundamental Fairness in a Representative Democracy. The Free Press, New York.

Haney López, Ian F.
1994    The Social Construction of Race: Some Observations on Illusion, Fabrication, and Choice. Harvard Civil Rights/Civil Liberties Law Review 29:1-62.

1996    White By Law: The Legal Construction of Race. New York University Press, New York.

Harrington, Ayo
1999    Friends of the African Burial Ground. Update: Newsletter of the African Burial Ground & Five Points Archaeological Projects 2(10):8-9, 12.

Harris, Cheryl I.
1995    Whiteness as Property. In Critical Race Theory: The Key Writings That Formed the Movement, edited by K. Crenshaw, N. Gotanda, G. Peller, and K. Thomas, 276-291, The New Press, New York.

Harrison, Faye V.
1999    Introduction: Expanding the Discourse on "Race." American Anthropologist 100:609-631.

LaRoche, Cheryl J. , and Blakey, Michael L.
1997    Seizing Intellectual Power: The Dialogue at the New York African Burial Ground. Historical Archaeology 31(3):84-106.

MacFarquhar, Larissa
1996    The Color of Law. Lingua franca July/August 1996 pp. 40-47.

Marable, Manning
1995    Beyond Black and White: Transforming African-American Politics. Verso, London and New York.

Matsuda, Mari J.
1989    Public Response to Racist Speech: Considering the Victim's Story. Michigan Law Review 87:2320.

McGhee, Fred L.
1998a    Towards a Postcolonial Nautical Archaeology. Assemblage 3 [on-line journal] < ~assem/3/3mcghee.htm>

1998b    The Invisibility of Empire in American Maritime Archaeology. World Archaeological Congress Newsletter 6(2):ii-iii.

McRobbie, Angela
1997    The E's and the Anti-E's: New Questions for Feminism and Cultural Studies, In Cultural Studies in Question, edited by Marjorie Ferguson and Peter Golding, pp. 170-186. Sage Publications, London.

Mukhopadhyay, C.C. and Moses, Y.T.
1997    Reestablishing "Race" in Anthropological Discourse. American Anthropologist 99:517-533.

Mullings, Leith
1997    On Our Own Terms: Race, Class, and Gender in the Lives of African American Women. Routledge, New York and London.

Orser, Charles E., Jr.
1998    The Archaeology of the African Diaspora. Annual Review of Anthropology 27:63-82.

1999    The Challenge of Race to American Historical Archaeology. American Anthropologist 100:661-668.

Patten, M. Drake
1997    Cheers of Protest? The Public, the Post, and the Parable of Learning. Historical Archaeology 31(3):132-139.

Peller, Gary
1985     The Metaphysics of American Law. California Law Review 73:1151-1290.

1995     Race-Consciousness, In Critical Race Theory: The Key Writings That Formed the Movement, edited by K. Crenshaw, N. Gotanda, G. Peller, and K. Thomas, 127-158, The New Press, New York.

Perry, Warren R.
1997    Archaeology as Community Service. Society for the Anthropology of North America Newsletter, pp. 1-3.

1998    Dimensions of Power in Swaziland Research: Coercion, Reflexivity, and Resistance. Transforming Anthropology 7(1):2-14.

Rose, Marta
1996    Race Obliviousness and the Invisibility of Whiteness: The Court's Construction of Race-Miller v. Johnson, 115 S. Ct. 2475 (1995). Temple Law Review 69:1549-1570.

Singleton, Theresa A.
1997    Commentary: Facing the Challenges of a Public African-American Archaeology. Historical Archaeology 31(3):146-152.

Williams, Patricia J.
1991    The Alchemy of Race and Rights. Harvard University Press, Cambridge.

1995    The Rooster's Egg. Harvard University Press, Cambridge.

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Black Loyalist Archaeology at Birchtown, Nova Scotia

Laird Niven, Nova Scotia Museum, Halifax, Nova Scotia (

The Nova Scotia Museum's "Black Loyalists, Black Communities" project is a two-year undertaking attempting to redress the lack of balance in the study of Afro-Nova Scotians using historical and archaeological research. The year long archaeology project was designed to study sites in Tracadie, Guysborough County and Birchtown, Shelburne County. The subject of this article is the archaeology of Birchtown, specifically the site known as AkDi-23.

The 1998 archaeology project examined the remains of what is believed to have been the house of Colonel Stephen Blucke, the man who led the Black Loyalists to Birchtown. The testing and excavation revealed the cellar of a relatively substantial building which appears to have been abandoned at the end of the 18th century. The artifacts recovered were exceptional, both in quantity and quality, for what we know of the Black Loyalist period in Birchtown. They speak of an attempted middle-class existence surrounded by extreme poverty, a scene of contrast within a community we are beginning to see as much more vivid and varied than has previously been acknowledged.

For the purposes of this report, Black Loyalist refers to all African-Americans who emigrated to Nova Scotia in the wake of the American Revolution. This includes the free, the freed, the indentured, as well as the many slaves White Loyalists continued to possess.

Birchtown, Nova Scotia, was founded by Black Loyalists in 1783 and was, at the time, the largest and most significant settlement of free Blacks in North America. Although its population grew rapidly, reaching a peak of 1,531 people in 1784, Birchtown did not thrive. The discrimination and inequity the Black Loyalists had hoped to escape followed them to Nova Scotia. A race riot in 1784 and famine in 1789, combined with the poor quality of the soil, led half of Birchtown's population to join the exodus for Sierra Leone in 1791. That event essentially heralded the end of Black Loyalist Birchtown.

The archaeological study of Birchtown, specifically the evidence of the Black Loyalists, began in 1993 when the locally-based Black Loyalist Heritage Society sponsored an archaeological survey (Niven 1994). There have been minor archaeological projects in Birchtown every year since 1994. The archaeological evidence to date tells us that the Black Loyalists lived in shelters ranging from semi-subterranean emergency shelters to more conventional cellared houses. A number of very unusual stone mounds (22 in all) were also identified and mapped in 1995. The mounds are all well-made and were spaced quite closely together. The partial excavation of one mound in 1998 did not reveal any insights into its age or function.

The main subject of the 1998 Birchtown archaeology project was the suspected home of Colonel Stephen Blucke, the leader of the Black Loyalists in Birchtown, which historical evidence suggested was located on the property of Thelma Acker, very close to the shore. A series of shovel tests confirmed a late-18th century occupation and also revealed what was thought to be a rock-filled midden.
We knew very little about Colonel Stephen Blucke, let alone about the house he lived in. He was originally from Barbados, lived in Birchtown with his wife, mother, and an indentured servant, was a very well-educated man, and was a veteran of the American Revolution. Blucke disappears from the historic record in 1796-1797 and his subsequent fate remains a mystery.

[Figure omitted from online version]. Caption: Excavations underway at AkDi-23. Rock-filled cellar feature is visible in the center. Birchtown Bay lies in the distance.

He was also a man of some means and his house seems to have been quite different from the neighbours who are almost invariably described as living in 'huts' and "very poorly Lodged indeed". The one partial description of the house we have is from William Booth in 1789: "He began by Building a spacious house( but the Building he has been obliged to stop the progress of; having only, as far as I could see, completed his Kitchen, with a small room(" (Booth, 1789: 53; Jeffery, 1907: 57).

The excavations on AkDi-23 totaled 100 square meters and, although architectural information was minimal, did reveal a large cellar that had been filled at the end of the eighteenth century. The cellar hole partly uncovered at AkDi-23 measured approximately 1.49 meters (4.89 feet) from west to east, and 2.69 meters (8.82 feet) from north to south. The area is approximately 4.10 meters square (45 square feet). When it was first dug, the cellar probably measured nine or 10 feet by five feet. It was dug to a depth of one meter and cut into the sub-soil with vertical walls at least on the west, north, and south sides.

Over 13,000 artifacts were recovered during the 1998 archaeology project, 12,449 from the excavation. Almost half of the artifacts were found within the rock fill of the cellar (Lot 12). There was a minimum of 114 ceramic vessels identified, 93 of them from within Lot 12. Over half of those vessels were made of pearlware (45 or 62.50%) followed closely by creamware (17 or 23.61%). Six vessels were coarse earthenware (8.33%), two were porcelain (2.78%), and two stoneware. The mean ceramic date or the vessels is 1796.59, which conforms very well to what is known about Blucke's disappearance from the historic record.

Other artifacts of significance were many military items: a fragment of a triangular bayonet; a sling swivel; a spur; a British naval boarding axe; and, two white metal buttons of the Second American Regiment (Irish Volunteers), a Loyalist regiment operating out of New York from 1780 to 1782.

The archaeological evidence from AkDi-23 is compelling and, at the very least, suggests that one Black Loyalist, who most likely did not join the rush to Sierra Leone, had quite a different lifestyle compared to his neighbours. The most satisfying accomplishment of the project was the combining of historical and archaeological research, the discovery of new documents and sites, to illuminate a settlement which was much richer and more vibrant than traditional history would lead us to believe.

References Cited

Booth, Captain William
1789    Rough Notes and memorandumes, 1789, 208673 #6 Acadia University Library, Wolfville, Nova Scotia

Jeffery, Reginald, ed.
1907    Dyott's Diary. Constable, London

Niven, Laird
1994    Birchtown Archaeological Survey (1993). Roseway Publishing Company, Lockeport, Nova Scotia.

Robertson, Marion
1983    King's Bounty: A History of Early Shelburne, Nova Scotia. Nova Scotia Museum, Halifax.

[Figure omitted from online version.] Caption: The Rock-filled cellar feature at AkDi-23, partially excavated.

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Book Reviews and Notes


A-A A seeks a book review editor! This individual will be responsible for soliciting materials for review, making review assignments, and editing reviews. The goal is the inclusion of at least one full-length review in each issue of A-A A.

Applicants should have considerable knowledge of African-American archaeology and history and experience in the preparation of scholarly manuscripts. Ability to communicate via email and transfer files over the Internet is critical.

Anyone interested should contact John McCarthy at (301) 220-1876, or via email at ( or ( Please do not submit resumes or writing samples as part of initial inquiries.

In the interim, the following titles are available for review. If interested in preparing a review of 500-1,000 words on any of these titles, please contact John McCarthy.

Boonzaier et al. 1997, The Cape Herders: A History of the Khikhoi of South Africa.
Cottman 1999, The Wreck of the Henrietta Marie.
Johnson et al. 1998, Africans in America: America's Journey through Slavery.
Koverman 1998, I Made This Jar: Life and Works of the Enslaved African-American Potter, Dave.
Kusimba 1999, The Rise and Fall of Swahili States.
Pwiti and Soper (editors) 1996, Aspects of African Archaeology.
Shell 1997, Children of Bondage.
Taylor (editor) 1999, I Was born a Slave, Vol. 1 , 1772-1849.
Taylor (editor) 1999, I Was Born a Slave, Vol. 2, 1849-1866.

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Baule: African Art, Western Eyes.

Susan Mullin Vogel. Yale University Press, New Haven and London, 1997. 312 pp., plates, glossary, exhibition checklist, bibliography, and index. $65.00 (cloth), $35.00 (paper).

This volume presents an extremely complete picture of the Baule people of the central Ivory Coast and their material culture. Richly illustrated (it is an exhibition catalogue) and well-documented, Vogel's analysis attempts to present Baule art from the "author's" view point, using quotations from Baule individuals to argue that the Baule do not think of the beautiful objects that they create in the same way that we do in the West. She states that the Baule, like the Igbo, appear to feel that the process of art is more important than the product (p. 292). However, the Baule admit to the presence of beautiful objects in their lives, and that these objects are special because of their power to affect lives in various ways.

Beginning with an introduction to the Baule and her involvement with them, Vogel divides the text into eight chapters in two parts. The first four chapters discuss the Western approach to Baule art, the Baule world, art in the Baule world, and Baule attitudes toward art and looking at it. Chapter One, "Baule Art: The View from the West," discusses the form and style of Baule art in conventional Western terms. In the second chapter, "The Baule World," a structuralist/functionalist discussion of the moieties of male/female, human/spirit, and village/wilderness is presented, although some of the "fuzzy" areas between these dichotomies are explored, such as masquerade performances that blur the distinction between male and female. ). The sculptures that the West classifies as art are revealed as devices for regulating relationships between the human and spirit worlds. In "Art and the Baule," Vogel approaches the difficult question of meaning: if the Baule don't think of these objects the same way Westerners do, then how do the Baule consider them? She introduces the notion that sculptural objects (art) are "resonant" objects important in other ways than for their beauty. They are physical manifestations of spirit powers which are very real and intensely felt by the Baule.

The second part of the book is organized according to the different ways of "seeing" in Baule terms. Thus, the last four chapters discuss Baule art from the point of view of visibility and seeing: prolonged looking (watching of performance arts), avoidance of looking (sacred arts), glimpsing (private or personal arts), and everyday availability (profane or everyday arts. Chapter Four, "Art, Darkness and Visual Memory," is based on Vogel's recent interviews regarding meanings of art according to the Baule. The focus shifts from a positivistic search for meaning in Western terms, to a reflexive search for multiple meanings based in multiple contexts. The power of objects and of sight are discussed in Baule terms. Chapters Five through Eight continue the reflexive approach introduced here. Different categories of Baule art, organized according to degrees of visibility: public performance art (Mblo and Goli masquerades) in Chapter Five; art that is "seen without looking," or sacred art for family shrines, men's masquerades, the women's special dance and equipment belonging to trance diviners in Chapter Six; private art ("art that is glimpsed") in Chapter Seven; and art that is visible in everyday life ("Art That is Visible to All: The Profane") in Chapter Eight. Divination vessels, weaver's paraphernalia, carved stools and chairs, drums, spoons, miniature bronze objects for measuring and storing gold, decorated pottery, combs, slingshots, doors, and shutters all fall into this category.

While, as an archaeologist, one could have wished for more discussion of ceramics, this is a minor quibble in the context of the wealth of material considered and the multiple contexts of meaning explored in this volume.

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Disowning Slavery: Gradual Emancipation and "Race" in New England, 1780-1860.

Joanne Pope Melish. Cornell University Press, Ithaca and London, 1998. 285 pp., illustrations, references, and index. $35.00 (cloth).

Slavery in the north, and in New England in particular, has been the focus of little scholarly attention. Melish's book seeks, in her words, to put "slavery and the painful process of gradual emancipation back into the history of New England (p. 200)." While previous scholarship has held slavery in New England as peripheral to the economic, social, and political development of the region, Melish argues that slavery had a powerful impact on the thinking of New Englanders - their view of the region as "free and white" produced a sort of historical amnesia that sought to erase slavery and African Americans from the history of the region.

Various local sources including town records, court records, slaveholders' diaries, and the letters, narratives, and freedom petitions of slaves are used to bring the reader into the world of New England masters and slaves. Melish illuminates their daily interactions and offers interpretations of how masters and slaves each differently understood the meaning of slavery and emancipation.

Melish argues that it was the unsettling process of gradual emancipation in the region after the American Revolution that stirred fears of disorderly African Americans threatening the new republic. While African Americans assumed that they would become free and independent citizens, the Euro American majority experienced anxiety about racial identity, freedom, and servitude. Beginning in the late 18th century, New England Europeans gradually resolved these questions bycoming to regard Africans as inherently inferior and in need of control. She argues that a clear ideology of race developed in which "racial" characteristics came to be seen as immutable, inherited, and located in the body.

The rise and application of an ideology of race is central to Melish's analysis. Here she pushes to locate precisely when and how Americans racialized difference and came to define "blackness" and "whiteness" as fixed, biological categories. Melish suggests that New England was first in developing a new ideology of race because of its early experience with slave emancipation. However, the struggle to define the meaning of emancipation and the fundamental nature and place of African Americans in the new republic was taking place in the upper South, where manumissions increased during and after the American Revolution. Clearly, the analysis of race in the early republic will need to be broadened. None the less, this is an important book for anyone interested in slavery, abolition, and emancipation.

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Seizing the New Day: African Americans in Post-Civil War Charleston.

Wilbert L. Jenkins. Indiana University Press, Bloomington, 1998. xvi + 238 pp., bibliographical essay, notes, appendix, and index. $29.95 (cloth)

In this volume, Jenkins promises correctives to the traditional story of the African-American experience during construction. Where the standard accounts treat regional or state-wide patterns, he focuses on local history; where predecessors have emphasized the political experience of freedmen, he concentrates on the social and economic; and where other historians have too often treated post-war African Americans as a homogeneous group, he reveals the wide diversity within that community. The volume consists of seven chapters which treat in turn: 1) the nature of slavery in Charleston, 2) the immediate impact of manumission, 3) the struggle for economic independence and security, 4) the quest for education, 5) the effects of emancipation on family and community life, 6) the establishment of independent churches, and 7) the efforts (sometimes violent, sometimes political) community members made to protect and enhance their new freedom.

It is in the realization of his first objective that Jenkins is most successful. This is, first and foremost, a local history which thoroughly documents the triumphs and tragedies, successes and failures, and hopes and disappointments of African Americans during the first few years of freedom in Charleston. Charleston's African Americans enjoyed their greatest successes in those arenas where defining freedom was least dependent on white approval or cooperation - family and religion. For example, family life "achieved a degree of stability by 1870. Of black adults living in all-black households, the percentage of those who were married was in fact strikingly close to the percentage of married white adults living in all-white households" (p. 96).

While politics may have been over-emphasized by some writers, Jenkins presents no comprehensive discussion of the subject. Yet, politics, in one way or another, was an important tool in the quest to achieve social and economic freedom. While it is recognized as such in many of the chapters, the emphasis clearly lies elsewhere. Voting, for example, is discussed only briefly in a single paragraph on page 145 where one learns simply that "freedmen were encouraged to register and vote."

Jenkins third corrective, a focus on the heterogeneity of the African-American community, is very effectively. The free black population in Charleston had always been large, ranging up to as much as 20 percent of the total African descended population. Predominantly mulatto, this group included both laborers, who were poorly treated, and a very small, but wealthy, elite, members of which often owned slaves themselves. At the war's end, former slaves in Charleston were joined by an influx of freed agricultural laborers. Although often united, these various subgroups were frequently divided by social and economic distinctions, and intraracial bickering was one of the factors which led to the collapse of the Republican Party in the city.

In an epilogue, Jenkins briefly treats the unraveling of Reconstruction and the erosion of economic status and civil and political rights in the late 19th century. "Blacks in Charleston and throughout the South took one step forward and two steps backward. The gallant struggle of black Charlestonians to acquire first-class American citizenship represented their first civil rights movement" (p. 163).

This is a carefully researched, tightly written, and logically organized volume that makes good use of a wide range of primary sources. It joins a growing literature on the post-emancipation experiences of former slaves that can provide a richer context for archaeological interpretation.

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News and Announcements

The Washington College Field School in Archaeology is working on two African-American sites from June 1 through July 9, 1999. The first is the Frederick Douglass Birthplace, a plantation in northern Talbot County. Fieldwork will concentrate on survey and reconnaissance to locate the plantation buildings and cabin in which the abolitionist was raised. The second site is located on the Hermitage in Queen Anne's County, where excavation is focusing on slave quarters, including still-standing 18th Century cabin. Excavations are seeking structural details of the surviving quarter remains of other buildings that stood nearby. Contact Dr. John Seidel ( for more information.

The Forrest C. Pogue Public History Institute has received a $3,700 grant from the Kentucky African American Heritage Commission to develop interpretive materials on the lives of African Americans at Columbus, Kentucky during the Civil War. The project will collect and make available information about the little-known, but important, role that Kentucky African-American troops played in the Civil War. The principal researcher will be Bill Mulligan, associate professor of history, director of the Forrest C. Pogue Public History Institute, and A-A A subscriber.

The SHA Gender & Minority Relations committee is sponsoring a session for the January, 2000 annual meeting of the Society for Historical Archaeology in Quebec City. The title of the session will be: "African-Canadian Archaeological sites: The North Star of the Diaspora." The organizers have asked the following question: What do Canadian sites associated with the African descendant population reveal about continuity and change as this population adapted to their surroundings and circumstances? The session will encompass papers highlighting current or recent excavations of African descendant sites in Canada, and U.S. or Caribbean sites that have links to Canada. Contact either of the organizers for more information:

Bonnie Ryan, E.S. Bird Library, Syracuse University, Syracuse, NY 13244, (315) 443-4674 [(315) 443-9510 fax] (

Cheryl LaRoche, 10 Oaklyn Court, Potomac, MD 20854 ( (

The Journal of Caribbean Archaeology seeks submissions related to all aspects of prehistoric and historic archaeological research in the Caribbean and surrounding area. The journal will be refereed. Visit the JCA web site at http://www. for additional information.

Contours is a new, multidisciplinary, refereed scholarly journal exploring the experiences of people of African descent throughout the world. They are particularly interested in submissions focusing on African-American archaeology. Contours will be published three times a year by Indiana University Press and is supported by the African and African-American studies program and the history department at Duke University. The editor is David Barry Gaspar, Professor of History, Duke University. For more information, call (919) 660-3197 email: ( .

Call for contributions to *assemblage* on-line, peer reviewed archaeological journal produced by the graduate students of archaeology and archaeological science at the University of Sheffield, United Kingdom. *assemblage* covers diverse topics and issues in archaeology. Past issues can be found at http://www/shef/ac/uk/assem/3/3comment.html. Submissions are sought from archaeology postgraduate students and professionals for Issue 5 (which will be on-line by the end of November 1999). *assemblage* includes the following sections: Research Papers (3000 - 5000 words); Features (2000 - 3000 words); Forum on "Archaeology and Ethnicity"; State of the Arch (methods, less than 2000 words); Field Notes (short articles or snippets); Reviews (book, television, conference, CD-ROM); Fun Pages (jokes, anecdotes, acrostics, crosswords, cartoons); and Info Section (brief entries for conferences, seminars, lectures).

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Internet Resources

The Chicora Foundation Black History Studies are now on the web at thanks to the financial support of Blue Cross and Blue Shield of South Carolina. These historical and archaeological studies focus on the everyday life of South Carolina slaves and freedmen. Additional information is available at the foundation's own web site at

A Community Remembers focuses on the history of African-American life in Princeton, New Jersey. This is an on-line exhibit from the Historical Society of Princeton. It can be found at

A new database of African-American photographs has been made available on the web by the Alderman Library of the University of Virginia. The Jackson Davis Collection consists of approximately 4,000 photographs of African-American educational scenes in the southern United States, as well as several hundred scenes taken in Liberia, Congo, and other African countries. The U.S. photographs were taken by Jackson Davis during the period ca. 1915-1930 when he was affiliated with the General Education Board in New York, New York. Davis served as a field agent, as the board's general field agent, as associate director in 1933 and as vice-president and director in 1946.

Announcing H-Afresearch - H-Net Network on Research in African Primary Sources. This list is devoted to the discussion of issues surrounding the use of primary sources in African humanities and social sciences research. Primary sources are defined broadly to include traditional archival records, manuscripts and personal papers; photograph and film collections; field notes, oral data and music collections; and material culture and artifacts. Focusing on the research process will allow researchers to get informed responses to practical questions, from both other researchers and the caretakers of the raw materials of research - in Africa or outside the continent. Like other H-net lists, H-AFRESEARCH is moderated. Susan Tschabrun, California State University, (, and Kathryn Green, California State University, ( are the initial co-editors.

Message logs and more information about H-AFRESEARCH may be obtained at its website, linked from the H-Net website: To subscribe, send the following line as the only text of an e-mail message (no styles, fonts, or signature files, turn off word-wrap for long addresses) from the account you wish subscribed to SUBSCRIBE H-AFRESEARCH firstname lastname, institution.

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Editorial Staff

Editor/Publisher: John P. McCarthy, Greenhorne & O'Mara, Inc., 9001 Edmonston Road, Greenbelt, MD 20770 (301) 220-1876

Assistant Editor: Paul Mullins, Anthropology Program, George Mason University, MSN-3G5, Fairfax, VA 22030

Book Reviews: This could be YOU! Contact John McCarthy if interested.

Progression!: Carol McDavid, 1406 Sul Ross, Houston, TX 77007

Northeast: James Garmon, Public Archaeology Laboratory, Inc., 210 Lonsdale Avenue, Pawtucket, RI 02860 (401) 728-8780

Mid-Atlantic: Barbara Heath, The Corporation for Jefferson's Poplar Forest, P. O. Box 419, Forest, VA 24551

Southeast: J. W. Joseph, New South Associates, Inc. 6150 East Ponce de Leon Ave., Stone Mountain, GA 30083 (770) 498-4155

Caribbean: Paul Farnsworth, Dept. of Geography and Anthropology, Louisiana State University, Baton Rouge, LA 70803

Midwest: Matthew Emerson, Anthropology Department, Southern Illinois University, Edwardsville, IL 62026 (618) 692-5689

Mid-South/So. Plains: Leslie "Skip" Stewart-Abernathy, Arkansas Archaeological Survey, P. O. Box 8706 AKU, Russellville, AK 72801 (501) 968-0381

West: Laurie Wilkie, Anthropology Department, University of California, Berkeley, CA 94720

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Subscription Information:

Subscriptions, by the calendar year, are: $4.00 student; $6.00 individual;$8.00 institutions/outside the USA. Payable by check to: "African-American Archaeology"

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African-American Archaeology
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Electronic version compiled by Thomas R. Wheaton, New South Associates, Inc.

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2005 African Diaspora Archaeology Network
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Last updated: April 16, 2005
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